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1.
《1848年至1850年的法兰西阶级斗争》和《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》不仅被阐释为政治学著作和历史学著作,而且是马克思把唯物史观的一般规律具体化到政治哲学领域中的典范之作,特别是其对当时法国政治事件中“活生生的时事”的内涵和外在表现深入细致地剖析,是实现了唯物史观的基本理论与社会现实之政治事件相统一的哲学著作。对这两个文献的阐释不仅需要从政治维度和历史维度上来把握,还需要从哲学维度上更深层次地把握其内涵。立足于唯物史观,马克思从生产力和生产方式之关系层面分析政治历史事件背后的深层结构与外在表征相统一的“活生生的时事”,既展现出历史发展背后起决定作用的物质生活条件,又看到对历史具有加速或延迟作用的历史情势和偶然等诸多因素。因此,马克思的唯物史观与唯物辩证法在具体的政治实践领域中实现了双重统一,对进一步发展当代政治哲学具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。 相似文献
2.
Alison Tarrant 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2020,42(3):281-298
ABSTRACT Personal budgets have been heavily promoted in government policy in England as a means of increasing the personalisation of public services, particularly in the field of adult social care. The Care Act 2014 for the first time creates a statutory requirement for personal budgets to be allocated to all individuals using state funded social care. This article examines how a particular rhetoric has developed in social care policy around personal budgets, which draws freely on the language of the disabled people’s movement and suggests that grassroots ideas are the central purpose for the introduction of personal budgets into policy. It considers whether the promises made in policy are embedded in the 2014 Act and finds that there is a mismatch between claims in social care policy on the one hand and the model of personal budgets created by the 2014 Act on the other. It concludes that the policy rhetoric around personal budgets directly appropriates the language and ideas of the disabled people’s movement while promoting a wholly distinct agenda of public sector marketisation. 相似文献
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高红 《陕西行政学院学报》2015,(1):13-16
功利主义大学观和功利主义就业观有其存在的需求基础,大学生就业难在很大程度上是由个体经济理性选择导致的集体行动悖论。因此,应从现代大学生以及用人单位的需求出发,不断扩大大学的投融资渠道;加强与用人单位在人才培养、教学实践以及专业能力考察和认证上的合作;根据用人单位的需求制定大学生就业发展规划,并将其融入大学生的整个培养过程,促进"大学生学业"的能力而非功利导向;推进"大学生就业"的发展和规划导向而非简单模仿的集体行动导向。 相似文献
5.
Gurchathen Sanghera Katherine Botterill Peter Hopkins Rowena Arshad 《Citizenship Studies》2018,22(5):540-555
This paper examines the rights claims-making that young people engaged in during the 2014 Scottish independence referendum when the right to vote was extended to 16- and 17-year-olds for the first time in the UK. Understanding citizenship and rights claims-making as performative, we draw on the novel idea of ‘living rights’ to explore how young people ‘shape what these rights are – and become – in the social world’. They are co-existent and situated within the everyday lives of young people, and transcend the traditional idea that rights are merely those that are enshrined in domestic and/or international law. We explore the complex and contested nature of rights claims that were made by young people as ‘active citizens’ in the lead up to the referendum to illustrate how the rights claims-making by young people is bound up with the performativity of citizenship that entails identity construction, political subjectivity (that challenges adult-centric approaches) and social justice. 相似文献
6.
无 《北京青年政治学院学报》2012,21(2):35-41
为推动北京青少年工作的创新发展,全面深入跟踪研究北京青少年的发展动态,对北京青年群体开展了大规模的青年发展状况调研活动。调查涉及个人需求、社会需求、"十二五"与青年等多个层面,个人需求涉及到知识文化诉求、高质量高层次的闲暇生活、择业取向;社会需求涉及到社会组织认可、政治民主评价、媒体导向、理想信仰、社会和谐、社会保障、择偶观等。根据调查数据及分析,文化需求成为青少年发展不可规避的主要问题,在"十二五"期间,对于作为时代先锐和中坚力量的青少年,应对其各种需求深入了解,并切实提出一些具有借鉴意义的政策措施。 相似文献
7.
Penelope Scott 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2018,16(4):372-390
This article explores how Black African asylum seekers in an eastern German state experienced living conditions and the forms of agency they exhibited to redress the stressful circumstances of everyday life. The article draws on 12 in-depth interviews with rejected Black African asylum seekers and ethnographic research. Participants experienced various socio-environmental stressors and the absence of resources that affected their well-being and were injurious to their human rights. Their responses were embedded in different practices tied to the accumulation of capital that buffered stress and contested repressive asylum laws. The implications of the study for policy and advocacy are discussed. 相似文献
8.
AbstractDeinstitutionalisation movements of the mid-1900s led to changes in policy and practice in the management of people with special needs (defined for this article as people with severe and persistent mental illness, intellectual disabilities and high levels of personality factors that interfere with treatment participation). Although the majority of clients with special needs receive care in community settings and interact more with family, friends and others in the community, some such clients require more rigorous case management. For clients who have offended, especially sexually, community-based services are scarce, and concerns regarding reoffence potential often supersede traditional understandings of diminished capacity. Recent reports suggest that jails and prisons have replaced hospitals as the institutions-of-choice for clients with special needs who engage in inappropriate conduct. This paper examines policies and practices regarding community risk management of people with special needs who have sexually offended. Vignettes are provided to illustrate how some clients and agencies have been affected, and suggestions are made to ensure best practices in risk management and public safety. 相似文献
9.
Robert Nabben 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2011,70(3):287-297
The idea of community development has been evoked by Australian governments over many decades. The expressions of community have differed widely, often as a result of politics rather than informed policy. In 1999, after seven years of radical neo‐liberal restructuring in Victoria, the Bracks government found itself unexpectedly elected to power. They faced new challenges such as a diminished public sector, growing social inequality and climate change. The first two terms of Victorian Labor were a seminal period in terms of the role they would invoke for ‘community’. Did grass roots participation take a central place, or did rhetoric rule over substance? The evidence points to a government maintaining a neo‐liberal trajectory, and thereby losing an opportunity to enable an active citizenry. 相似文献
10.
王昆仑 《北京青年政治学院学报》2011,20(2):58-64
20世纪90年代以来,农民工城居子女的义务教育问题日益引起人们的关注。农民工城居子女在义务教育阶段存在的问题折射的是体制性问题,与我国的户籍管理、财政制度、税收政策、社会保障、公民权利等一系列问题密切相关。保障农民工城居子女接受义务教育的权利,亟需中央和各级政府更有效地对此承担起责任,为农民工城居子女的义务教育提供制度保障和政策支持。 相似文献